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This pho­to­graph was taken in a night­club in Mex­ico City on 22nd Jan­u­ary, 1963. It is believed that the men in the pho­to­graph are all mem­bers of Oper­a­tion 40. Clos­est to the cam­era on the left is Felix Rodriguez. Next to him is Porter Goss and Barry Seal. Tosh Plum­lee is attempt­ing to hide his face with his coat. Oth­ers in the pic­ture are Alberto ‘Loco’ Blanco (3rd right) and Jorgo Robreno (4th right).

Oper­a­tion 40

In the 1960’s if there was high level killing to be done, Oper­a­tion 40 was the weapon of choice.  Oper­a­tion 40 was the vehi­cle by which the enemy shaped the Bat­tle­field to take over Amer­ica.  J.FK. was but one casu­alty, Dr. Mar­tin Luther King was another. Por­tor Goss and Pres­i­dents George Bush have been involved in the Coup D’état from the very begin­ning and must be debriefed to bet­ter iden­tify our enemy. Oper­a­tion 40 was just one of their many tools.  Pres­i­dent Bush and the real enemy appear to be on dif­fer­ent lev­els but deadly just the same.  Skulls and Bones is just a small but cur­rently pow­er­ful seg­ment of the enemy.

I was able to pick out Por­tor Goss and Pres­i­dent George Bush because of their polit­i­cal prox­im­ity through­out my life as I was born in 1960.  I per­son­ally learned of Oper­a­tion 40 in 1996 soon after the WWW went online with Netscape.  It is when you learn of Oper­a­tion 40 and fol­low the play­ers that things begin to take shape and become clear to you as you walk through life..  My wake up call that this thing was real is when baby Bush appointed Por­tor Goss Direc­tor to the CIA in 2004.   This led me back to Daddy Bush who was the CIA direc­tor in 1975 and over­saw the Church Com­mit­tee inves­ti­gat­ing whether CIA-ordered for­eign assas­si­na­tions were being directed towards domes­tic offi­cials, includ­ing Pres­i­dent Kennedy.  Now that I under­stand Oper­a­tion 40, it is clear that such a move was mad­ness. Daddy Bush then pro­hib­ited Domes­tic spy­ing on Amer­i­cans within ninety days (90) which I sus­pect had more to do with cov­er­ing up then being a gen­uine patriot which is made clear by baby Bush pass­ing the Patriot Act. OK, this was due to exec­u­tive order.

Exec­u­tive Order (EO) 11905 made four major changes to the intel­li­gence com­mu­nity but would not bring over­whelm­ing, effec­tive reform. First, the EO cre­ated a new National Secu­rity Com­mit­tee on For­eign Intel­li­gence, to be chaired by the Direc­tor of Cen­tral Intel­li­gence. Sec­ond, the EO replaced the 40 Com­mit­tee, which was respon­si­ble for over­sight of covert activ­i­ties, with the Oper­a­tions Advi­sory Group. The Oper­a­tions Advi­sory Group would have sim­i­lar respon­si­bil­i­ties and be com­posed of senior White House, CIA, State Depart­ment and Depart­ment of Defense rep­re­sen­ta­tives. Third, the EO cre­ated a part-time Intel­li­gence Over­sight Board which was ini­tially chaired by the for­mer ambas­sador Robert Daniel Mur­phy. The chair of the Intel­li­gence Over­sight Board was to report ille­gal activ­ity to the Attor­ney Gen­eral and impro­pri­eties to the Pres­i­dent.[1][2] Lastly, the EO offered the United States’ first ban on assas­si­na­tion (polit­i­cal): “No employee of the United States Gov­ern­ment shall engage in, or con­spire to engage in, polit­i­cal assas­si­na­tion.” This ban on assas­si­na­tion would be super­seded and strength­ened with EO 12036.[1][2]

 

Ori­gins of Oper­a­tion 40

On 11th Decem­ber, 1959, Colonel J. C. King, chief of CIA’s West­ern Hemi­sphere Divi­sion, sent a con­fi­den­tial mem­o­ran­dum to Allen W. Dulles, the direc­tor of the Cen­tral Intel­li­gence Agency. King argued that in Cuba there existed a “far-left dic­ta­tor­ship, which if allowed to remain will encour­age sim­i­lar actions against U.S. hold­ings in other Latin Amer­i­can coun­tries.” (1)

As a result of this mem­o­ran­dum Dulles estab­lished Oper­a­tion 40. It obtained this name because orig­i­nally there were 40 agents involved in the oper­a­tion. Later this was expanded to 70 agents. The group was presided over by Richard Nixon. Tracy Barnes became oper­at­ing offi­cer of what was also called the Cuban Task Force. The first meet­ing chaired by Barnes took place in his office on 18th Jan­u­ary, 1960, and was attended by David Atlee Phillips, E. Howard Hunt, Jack Ester­line, and Frank Bender.

Accord­ing to Fabian Escalante, a senior offi­cer of the Cuban Depart­ment of State Secu­rity (G-2), in 1960 Richard Nixon recruited an “impor­tant group of busi­ness­men headed by George Bush (Sr.) and Jack Crich­ton, both Texas oil­men, to gather the nec­es­sary funds for the oper­a­tion”. (2) This sug­gests that Oper­a­tion 40 agents were involved in free­lance work.

It is known that at this time that George Bush and Jack Crich­ton were involved in covert right-wing activ­i­ties. In 1990 The Com­mon Cause mag­a­zine argued that: “The CIA put mil­lion­aire and agent George Bush in charge of recruit­ing exiled Cubans for the CIA’s invad­ing army; Bush was work­ing with another Texan oil mag­nate, Jack Crich­ton, who helped him in terms of the inva­sion.” (3) This story was linked to the release of “a mem­o­ran­dum in that con­text addressed to FBI chief J. Edward Hoover and signed Novem­ber 1963, which reads: Mr. George Bush of the CIA(4)

Reinaldo Tal­adrid and Lazaro Baredo claim that in 1959 George Bush was asked “to coop­er­ate in fund­ing the nascent anti-Castro groups that the CIA decided to cre­ate”. The man “assigned to him for his new mis­sion” was Féliz Rodríguez. (5)

Daniel Hop­sicker also takes the view that Oper­a­tion 40 involved pri­vate fund­ing. In the book, Barry and the Boys: The CIA, the Mob and America’s Secret His­tory, he claims that Richard Nixon had estab­lished Oper­a­tion 40 as a result of pres­sure from Amer­i­can cor­po­ra­tions which had suf­fered at the hands of Fidel Cas­tro. (6)

Web­ster Grif­fin Tarp­ley and Anton Chaitkin have argued that George Bush was very close to mem­bers of Oper­a­tion 40 in the early 1960s. In Sep­tem­ber, 1963, Bush launched his Sen­ate cam­paign. At that time, right-wing Repub­li­cans were call­ing on John F. Kennedy to take a more aggres­sive approach towards Cas­tro. For exam­ple, in one speech Barry Gold­wa­ter said: “I advo­cate the recog­ni­tion of a Cuban gov­ern­ment in exile and would encour­age this gov­ern­ment every way to reclaim its coun­try. This means finan­cial and mil­i­tary assis­tance.” Bush took a more extreme posi­tion than Gold­wa­ter and called for a “new government-in-exile inva­sion of Cuba”. As Tarp­ley and Chaitkin point out, ben­e­fi­cia­ries of this pol­icy would have been “Theodore Shack­ley, who was by now the sta­tion chief of CIA Miami Sta­tion, Felix Rodriguez, Chi Chi Quin­tero, and the rest of the boys” from Oper­a­tion 40. (7)

Paul Kan­gas is another inves­ti­ga­tor who has claimed that George Bush was involved with mem­bers of Oper­a­tion 40. In an arti­cle pub­lished in The Real­ist in 1990, Kan­gas claims: “Among other mem­bers of the CIA recruited by George Bush for (the attacks on Cuba) were Frank Stur­gis, Howard Hunt, Bernard Baker and Rafael Quin­tero.” In an arti­cle pub­lished in Granma in Jan­u­ary, 2006, the jour­nal­ists Reinaldo Tal­adrid and Lazaro Baredo argued that “Another of Bush’s recruits for the Bay of Pigs inva­sion, Rafael Quin­tero, who was also part of this under­world of orga­ni­za­tions and con­spir­a­cies against Cuba, stated: If I was to tell what I know about Dal­las and the Bay of Pigs, it would be the great­est scan­dal that has ever rocked the nation.” (8)

Fabian Escalante names William Paw­ley as being one of those who was lob­by­ing for the CIA to assas­si­nate Fidel Cas­tro. (9) Escalante points out that Paw­ley had played a sim­i­lar role in the CIA over­throw of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in Guatemala. Inter­est­ingly, the CIA assem­bled vir­tu­ally the same team that was involved in the removal of Arbenz: Tracey Barnes, Richard Bis­sell, David Morales, David Atlee Phillips, E. Howard Hunt, Rip Robert­son and Henry Heck­sher. Added to this list was sev­eral agents who had been involved in under­cover oper­a­tions in Ger­many: Ted Shack­ley, Tom Clines and William Harvey.

Accord­ing to Daniel Hop­sicker, the fol­low­ing were also involved in Oper­a­tion 40: Edwin Wil­son, Barry Seal, William Sey­mour, Frank Stur­gis and Gerry Hem­ming. (10) It has also been pointed out that Oper­a­tion 40 was not only involved in try­ing to over­throw Fidel Cas­tro. Stur­gis has claimed: “this assas­si­na­tion group (Oper­a­tion 40) would upon orders, nat­u­rally, assas­si­nate either mem­bers of the mil­i­tary or the polit­i­cal par­ties of the for­eign coun­try that you were going to infil­trate, and if nec­es­sary some of your own mem­bers who were sus­pected of being for­eign agents.”

Vir­tu­ally every one of the field agents of Oper­a­tion 40 were Cubans. This included Anto­nio Veciana, Luis Posada, Orlando Bosch, Rafael Quin­tero, Roland Mas­fer­rer, Ela­dio del Valle, Guillermo Novo, Rafael Villaverde, Vir­gilio Gon­za­lez, Car­los Bringuier, Euge­nio Mar­tinez, Anto­nio Cuesta, Her­mino Diaz Gar­cia, Barry Seal, Felix Rodriguez, Ricardo Morales Navar­rete, Juan Manuel Sal­vat, Isidro Bor­jas, Vir­gilio Paz, Jose Dion­i­sio Suarez, Felipe Rivero, Gas­par Jimenez Escobedo, Nazario Sar­gent, Pedro Luis Diaz Lanz, Jose Basulto, and Paulino Sierra. (11)

CIA asset, Don Bohn­ing (AMCARBON-3) argues in his book, The Cas­tro Obses­sion (2005), that Oper­a­tion 40 was not actu­ally estab­lished until March 1961. Bohn­ing quotes one of his sources as say­ing that the group’s ini­tial objec­tive was to take over the admin­is­tra­tion of “the towns and cities lib­er­ated by the inva­sion force, roundup gov­ern­ment offi­cials and sym­pa­thiz­ers and secure the files of the government’s dif­fer­ent intel­li­gence ser­vices” after the Bay of Pigs oper­a­tion. (12)

How­ever, Larry Han­cock argues in his book, Some­one Would Have Talked (2006) that evi­dence has emerged that sug­gests that mem­bers of Oper­a­tion 40 were involved in assas­si­na­tions. He even believes that mem­bers of this orga­ni­za­tion was involved in the killing of John F. Kennedy: “The indi­vid­u­als know­ingly involved in the actual con­spir­acy included both exiles and a small num­ber of their most com­mit­ted Amer­i­can sup­port­ers… It is likely that some of the par­tic­i­pants were part of the Morales trained and orga­nized intel­li­gence ser­vice that was devel­oped to sup­port the 1962 action against Cuba and which had a polit­i­cal assas­si­na­tion (black list) com­po­nent. Ele­ments of this group were retained as Morales’ intel­li­gence and sur­veil­lance force in Miami after the fail­ure at the Bay of Pigs. Some of them had been involved in Agency sanc­tioned (and pos­si­bly unsanc­tioned) projects to assas­si­nate Cas­tro. This group was unof­fi­cially known as Oper­a­tion 40.” (24)

Most of these char­ac­ters had been asso­ci­ated with the far-right in Cuban pol­i­tics. Rumours soon began cir­cu­lat­ing that it was not only Fidel Cas­tro that was being tar­geted. On 9th June, 1961, Arthur Schlesinger sent a memo to Richard Good­win: “Sam Halper, who has been the Times cor­re­spon­dent in Havana and more recently in Miami, came to see me last week. He has excel­lent con­tracts among the Cuban exiles. One of Miro’s com­ments this morn­ing reminded me that I have been mean­ing to pass on the fol­low­ing story as told me by Halper. Halper says that CIA set up some­thing called Oper­a­tion 40 under the direc­tion of a man named (as he recalled) Cap­tain Luis San­je­nis, who was also chief of intel­li­gence. (Could this be the man to whom Miro referred this morn­ing?) It was called Oper­a­tion 40 because orig­i­nally only 40 men were involved: later the group was enlarged to 70. The osten­si­ble pur­pose of Oper­a­tion 40 was to admin­is­ter lib­er­ated ter­ri­to­ries in Cuba. But the CIA agent in charge, a man known as Felix, trained the mem­bers of the group in meth­ods of third degree inter­ro­ga­tion, tor­ture and gen­eral ter­ror­ism. The lib­eral Cuban exiles believe that the real pur­pose of Oper­a­tion 40 was to “kill Com­mu­nists” and, after elim­i­nat­ing hard-core Fidelis­tas, to go on to elim­i­nate first the fol­low­ers of Ray, then the fol­low­ers of Varona and finally to set up a right wing dic­ta­tor­ship, pre­sum­ably under Artime.” (14)

In an inter­view he gave to Jean-Guy Allard in May, 2005, Fabian Escalante pointed out: “Who in 1963 had the resources to assas­si­nate Kennedy? Who had the means and who had the motives to kill the U.S. pres­i­dent? CIA agents from Oper­a­tion 40 who were rabidly anti-Kennedy. And among them were Orlando Bosch, Luis Posada Car­riles, Anto­nio Veciana and Felix Rodriguez Mendigutia.” (15)

This is not the first time that Escalante has pointed the fin­ger at mem­bers of Oper­a­tion 40. In Decem­ber, 1995, Wayne Smith, chief of the Cen­tre for Inter­na­tional Pol­icy in Wash­ing­ton, arranged a meet­ing on the assas­si­na­tion of John F. Kennedy, in Nas­sau, Bahamas. Oth­ers in atten­dance were Gae­ton Fonzi, Dick Rus­sell, Noel Twyman, Anthony Sum­mers, Peter Dale Scott, Jeremy Gunn, John Judge, Andy Kolis, Peter Korn­bluh, Mary & Ray LaFontaine, Jim Lesar, John New­man, Alan Rogers, Russ Swickard, Ed Sherry, and Gor­don Winslow. Dur­ing a ses­sion on 7th Decem­ber, Escalante claimed that dur­ing cap­tiv­ity, Tony Cuesta, con­fessed that he had been involved in the assas­si­na­tion of Kennedy. He also named Ela­dio del Valle, Roland Mas­fer­rer and Her­mino Diaz Gar­cia as being involved in this oper­a­tion. All four men were mem­bers of Oper­a­tion 40. (16)

It has been argued that peo­ple like Fabian Escalante, Jean-Guy Allard, Reinaldo Tal­adrid and Lazaro Baredo are under the con­trol of the Cuban gov­ern­ment. It is def­i­nitely true that much of this infor­ma­tion has orig­i­nally been pub­lished in Granma, the news­pa­per of the Cuban Com­mu­nist Party. How­ever, there is other evi­dence to sub­stan­ti­ate this theory.

Shortly before his death in 1975, John Mar­tino con­fessed to a Miami News­day reporter, John Cum­mings, that he had been guilty of spread­ing false sto­ries impli­cat­ing Lee Har­vey Oswald in the assas­si­na­tion of John F. Kennedy. He claimed that two of the gun­men were Cuban exiles. It is believed the two men were Her­mino Diaz Gar­cia and Vir­gilio Gon­za­lez. Cum­mings added: “He told me he’d been part of the assas­si­na­tion of Kennedy. He wasn’t in Dal­las pulling a trig­ger, but he was involved. He implied that his role was deliv­er­ing money, facil­i­tat­ing things.… He asked me not to write it while he was alive.” (17)

Fred Claasen also told the House Select Com­mit­tee on Assas­si­na­tions what he knew about his busi­ness partner’s involve­ment in the case. He claimed John Mar­tino told him: “The anti-Castro peo­ple put Oswald together. Oswald didn’t know who he was work­ing for – he was just igno­rant of who was really putting him together. Oswald was to meet his con­tact at the Texas The­atre. They were to meet Oswald in the the­atre, and get him out of the coun­try, then elim­i­nate him. Oswald made a mis­take… There was no way we could get to him. They had Ruby kill him.” (18)

Flo­rence Mar­tino at first refused to cor­rob­o­rate the story. How­ever, in 1994 she told Anthony Sum­mers that her hus­band said to her on the morn­ing of 22nd Novem­ber, 1963: “Flo, they’re going to kill him (Kennedy). They’re going to kill him when he gets to Texas.” (19)

Her­mino Diaz Gar­cia and Vir­gilio Gon­za­lez were both mem­bers of Oper­a­tion 40. So also was Rip Robert­son who accord­ing to  Sum­mers “was a famil­iar face at his (John Mar­tino) home. Sum­mers also points out that Mar­tino was close to William Paw­ley and both took part in the “Bayo-Pawley Affair”. (20) This anti-Castro mis­sion, also known as Oper­a­tion Tilt, also involved other mem­bers of Oper­a­tion 40, includ­ing Vir­gilio Gon­za­lez and Euge­nio Mar­tinez.

There is another key CIA fig­ure in Oper­a­tion 40 who has made a con­fes­sion con­cern­ing the assas­si­na­tion of John F. Kennedy. David Morales was head of oper­a­tions at JM/WAVE, the CIA Miami sta­tion, at the time of the assas­si­na­tion. Gae­ton Fonzi car­ried out a full inves­ti­ga­tion of Morales while work­ing for the House Select Com­mit­tee on Assas­si­na­tions (HSCA). Unfor­tu­nately, Morales could not tes­tify before the HSCA because he died of a heart attack on 8th May, 1978.

Fonzi tracked down Ruben Car­ba­jal, a very close friend of Morales. Car­ba­jal saw Morales the night before he died. He also vis­ited Morales in hos­pi­tal when he received news of the heart attack. Car­ba­jal is con­vinced that Morales was killed by the CIA . Morales had told Car­ba­jal the agency would do this if you posed a threat to covert oper­a­tions. Morales, a heavy drinker, had a rep­u­ta­tion for being indis­creet when intox­i­cated. On 4th August 1973, Morales allowed him­self to be pho­tographed by Kevin Scofield of the Ari­zona Repub­lic at the El Molino restau­rant. When the pho­to­graph appeared in the news­pa­per the fol­low­ing day, it iden­ti­fied Morales as Direc­tor for Oper­a­tions Coun­terin­sur­gency and Spe­cial Activ­i­ties in Washington.

Ruben Car­ba­jal put Gae­ton Fonzi in con­tact with Bob Wal­ton, a busi­ness asso­ciate of David Morales. Wal­ton con­firmed Carbajal’s account that Morales feared being killed by the CIA. On one occa­sion he told him: “I know too much”. Wal­ton also told him about a dis­cus­sion he had with Morales about John F. Kennedy in the spring of 1973. Wal­ton had done some vol­un­teer work for Kennedy’s Sen­a­to­r­ial cam­paign. When hear­ing this news, Morales launched an attack on Kennedy, describ­ing him as a wimp who had betrayed the anti-Castro Cubans at the Bay of Pigs. He ended up by say­ing: “Well, we took care of that son of a bitch, didn’t we?” Car­ba­jal, who was also present at this meet­ing, con­firmed Walton’s account of what Morales said.  (20)

Another impor­tant piece of evi­dence comes from Gene Wheaton. In 1995 Wheaton approached the Assas­si­na­tion Records Review Board (ARRB) with infor­ma­tion on the death of Kennedy. Anne Buttimer, Chief Inves­ti­ga­tor of the ARRB, recorded that: “Wheaton told me that from 1984 to 1987 he spent a lot of time in the Wash­ing­ton DC area and that start­ing in 1985 he was “recruited into Ollie North’s net­work” by the CIA offi­cer he has infor­ma­tion about. (21) He got to know this man and his wife, a “‘super grade high level CIA offi­cer” and kept a bed­room in their Vir­ginia home. His friend was a Marine Corps liai­son in New Orleans and was the CIA con­tact with Car­los Mar­cello. He had been respon­si­ble for “run­ning peo­ple into Cuba before the Bay of Pigs.” His friend is now 68 or 69 years of age… Over the course of a year or a year and one-half his friend told him about his activ­i­ties with train­ing Cuban insur­gency groups. Wheaton said he also got to know many of the Cubans who had been his friend’s soldiers/operatives when the Cubans vis­ited in Vir­ginia from their homes in Miami. His friend and the Cubans con­firmed to Wheaton they assas­si­nated JFK. Wheaton’s friend said he trained the Cubans who pulled the trig­gers. Wheaton said the street level Cubans felt JFK was a trai­tor after the Bay of Pigs and wanted to kill him. Peo­ple “above the Cubans” wanted JFK killed for other rea­sons.” (22)

It was later revealed that Wheaton’s friend was Carl E. Jenk­ins, A senior CIA offi­cer, Jenk­ins had been appointed in 1960 as Chief of Base for Cuban Project. In 1963 Jenk­ins pro­vided para­mil­i­tary train­ing for Manuel Artime and Rafael ‘Chi Chi’ Quin­tero and other mem­bers of the Move­ment for the Recov­ery of the Rev­o­lu­tion (MRR). In an inter­view with William Law and Mark Sobel in the sum­mer of 2005, Gene Wheaton claimed that Jenk­ins and Quin­tero were both involved in the assas­si­na­tion of Kennedy. (23)

It seems that mem­bers of Oper­a­tion 40, orig­i­nally recruited to remove Fidel Cas­tro, had been redi­rected to kill Kennedy. Some­one had paid this team of assas­sins to kill the pres­i­dent of the United States as part of a free­lance oper­a­tion. This is not such a far-fetched idea when you con­sider that in 1959 Richard Nixon was approach­ing oil­men like George Walker Bush and Jack Crich­ton to help fund Oper­a­tion 40. We also have the claim of Frank Stur­gis that “this assas­si­na­tion group (Oper­a­tion 40) would upon orders, nat­u­rally, assas­si­nate either mem­bers of the mil­i­tary or the polit­i­cal par­ties of the for­eign coun­try that you were going to infil­trate, and if nec­es­sary some of your own mem­bers who were sus­pected of being for­eign agents.”

Fur­ther sup­port for this the­ory comes from an unlikely source. David Atlee Phillips died of can­cer on 7th July, 1988. He left behind an unpub­lished man­u­script enti­tled The AMLASH Legacy. The lead­ing char­ac­ters were explic­itly based on Phillips, Win­ston Scott and James Angle­ton. The novel is about a CIA offi­cer (Phillips) who lived in Mex­ico City. In the novel the char­ac­ter states: “I was one of those offi­cers who han­dled Lee Har­vey Oswald… We gave him the mis­sion of killing Fidel Cas­tro in Cuba… I don’t know why he killed Kennedy. But I do know he used pre­cisely the plan we had devised against Cas­tro. Thus the CIA did not antic­i­pate the president’s assas­si­na­tion, but it was respon­si­ble for it. I share that guilt.” (24)

In an arti­cle pub­lished by Wash­ing­ton Decoded on 11th June 2008, Don Bohn­ing (AMCARBON-3) admits: “It is true, of course, that the CIA sanc­tioned plots to kill Fidel Cas­tro and also ini­ti­ated assas­si­na­tion plots. But did Oper­a­tion 40 have any­thing to do with those efforts?” In an attack on the author of this arti­cle Bohn­ing relies on infor­ma­tion pro­vided by CIA offi­cials and oper­a­tives, Rafael Quin­tero and Porter Goss, to deny that Oper­a­tion 40 was ever involved in car­ry­ing out assassinations.

While this makes for inter­est­ing read­ing, you need to con­tact your Polit­i­cal Rep­re­sen­ta­tives now that you are begin­ning to grasp how big the prob­lem is.  No one can act until the Amer­i­can peo­ple are all on the same page.

 

Notes

1. Sen­ate Report, Alleged Assas­si­na­tion Plots Involv­ing For­eign Lead­ers, 1975 (page 92)

2. Fabian Escalante, CIA Covert Oper­a­tions 1959–1962: The Cuba Project, 2004 (pages 42 and 43)

3. Com­mon Cause Mag­a­zine (4th March, 1990)

4. Joseph McBride, Where Was George?, The Nation  (13th August, 1988)

5. Reinaldo Tal­adrid and Lazaro Baredo, The Bush Fam­ily and the Kennedy Assas­si­na­tion (16th Jan­u­ary, 2006)

6. Daniel Hop­sicker, Barry and the Boys: The CIA, the Mob and America’s Secret His­tory, 2001 (page 170)

7. Web­ster Grif­fin Tarp­ley and Anton Chaitkin, George Bush: The Unau­tho­rized Biog­ra­phy, 2004 (page 173)

8. Reinaldo Tal­adrid and Lazaro Baredo, The Bush Fam­ily and the Kennedy Assas­si­na­tion (16th Jan­u­ary, 2006)

9. Fabian Escalante, CIA Covert Oper­a­tions 1959–1962: The Cuba Project, 2004 (pages 42 and 43)

10. Daniel Hop­sicker, Mad Cow Morn­ing News (24th August, 2004)

11. Jean-Guy Allard, Who had the means and motives to kill Kennedy in 1963? (22nd May, 2005)

12. Don Bohn­ing, The Cas­tro Obses­sion, 2005 (page 144)

13. Larry Han­cock, Some­one Would Have Talked, 2006 (page 111)

14. Arthur Schlesinger, memo to Richard Good­win (9th June, 1961)

15. Jean-Guy Allard, Who had the means and motives to kill Kennedy in 1963? (22nd May, 2005)

16. Fabian Escalante, Cuban Offi­cials and JFK His­to­ri­ans, Nas­sau, Bahamas (7th Decem­ber, 1995)

17. Larry Han­cock, Some­one Would Have Talked, 2003 (page 17)

18. Anthony Sum­mers, The Kennedy Con­spir­acy, 2002 (page 328)

19. Anthony Sum­mers and Rob­byn Swan, The Ghosts of Novem­ber, Van­ity Fair (Decem­ber, 1994)

20. Gae­ton Fonzi, The Last Inves­ti­ga­tion, 1993 (pages 380–390)

21. Anne Buttimer, Assas­si­na­tion Records Review Board Report (12th July, 1995)

22. Anthony Sum­mers, The Kennedy Con­spir­acy, 2002 (page 371)

23. Larry Han­cock, Some­one Would Have Talked, 2003 (page 492)

24. Jef­fer­son Mor­ley, Our Man in Mex­ico, 2008 (page 238)

25. Don Bohn­ing, Wash­ing­ton Decoded (11th June, 2008)

26.Larry Han­cock, Some­one Would Have Talked, 2006 (page 372)

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